


y^ 



i\iiip™>™™'™^Q2 9 mJ 




SPEECH 



OF 



SAM HOUSTON, OE TEXAS, 



■^5 '^^ 



THE BILL FOR THE RELIEF OF YUCATAN. 



Delivered in the Senate of the United States, May 8, 1848. 



WASHINGTON: 

PHINTED by JOHN T. TOWERS. 

1848. 






la Eschsage 

Univ. ofTssaa 
MY S 1933 



SPEECH 



OF 



SAM HOUSTON, OF TEXAS, 



ON 



THE YUCATAWT ©fJESTIOW. 



Mr. President : Could I have believed that the vote would now be 
taken upon the bill that is before the Senate, I should not have ventured 
to occupy the time of this body for one moment. But having observed 
that some degree of excitement has existed, and there being a reasonable 
probability, to my apprehension, that the debate will not speedily close, I 
avail myself of the privilege to state what reasons I may have for the vote 
which I shall give upon the bill. 

I grant that the proposition is somewhat novel. It has not been the po- 
licy of (he Government of the United States to intermeddle in foreign poli- 
tics, but to avoid as far as possible all entangling alliances, or whatever 
might lead to difficulty in our relations with foreign countries. We are 
at present necessarily involved in a war with Mexico, of which, Yucatan 
is an integral part, geographically regarded, but politically separated from 
the country. It has been since 1840, virtually a Government of itself, 
maintaining a separate and independent existence. A war existed between 
the other States of Mexico and Yucatan in the years 1841-42, and, indeed, 
up to 1843. We are aware of the relation that Yucatan has borne to 
Mexico during the present contest between Mexico and this country. The 
people of that Province have claimed an exemption from the burdens of 
the war, upon the ground of not being in any way involved in the differ- 
ences which led to its commencement. This consideration should have 
some weight with us. I think, therefore, she must be regarded as entirely 
separated from the Mexican Republic. 

I regret to see that anything foreign to the discussion of this single pro- 
position, either in connection with the present war, or with other matters 



equally irrelevant, has been introduced into this discussion. No matter 
what latitude may be given to debate, we cannot eschew one important 
truth, that we are bound to protect the interests of our country — and it 
matters not, whether they are immediate or remote. Our relations are ex- 
tensive and varied. Our position is of such a character, that it requires 
unceasing vigilance to obtain for it, security. While we ought not inter- 
fere wiih the policy of other nations which is disconnected with our 
own, we should pursue that course in the preservation of our interest, 
which is best calculated to prevent the intervention of foreign powers in 
the affairs of this continent. Such was the principle laid down — clearly 
to nay mind — by President Munroe, in his message to Congress in 1823. 
It was hailed with pleasure at that time by the statesmen of ihe Democratic 
party, and has been acknowledged and acquiesced in, as a correct principle 
up to the present moment, and can only now be regarded as an axiom of 
Government, which has directed our declarations, and must, if we are to 
remain free from difficulty with other powers, be regarded as the directory 
of our future course as a nation. It has been the subject of the direct ex- 
ercise of the faculty of this Government by its distinguished functionaries. 
We may go as far back as 1825, two years subsequent to the declaration by 
Mr. Monroe, and we will there find the principle recognized and avowed by 
Mr. (Jlay, the then Secretary of State to Mr. Adams, in a despatch ad- 
dressed to Mr. Salarzar, Minister of Colombia, and resident in Washington; 
and in duplicate of said despatch, dated 20th December, 1825, delivered to 
Mr. Obregon, Minister of the Republic of Mexico, Colombia and Mexico 
had it in contemplation, to make a descent upon the islands of Cuba and 
Poito Rico. For this, they had concerted measures, and were to unite their 
efforts. Their objects were, to place arms in the hands of the servile popu- 
lation of those Islands, and thus destroy the interests of Spain. In full 
view of these circumstances, Mr. Clay uses the following language, when 
speaking of the meditated movement : 

" The suspension is due to the enlightened intentions of the Emperor of Russia, upon 
whom it could not fail to have a happy effect. It would also postpone, if not forever 
render unnecessary, all consideration which other powers may, by any resistable sense 
of their essential interests, be called upon to entertain of their duties, in the event of 
the contemplated invasion of those islands, and of other contingencies vifhich may ac- 
company or follow it. I am directed, therefore, by the President, to request that you 
will forthwith communicate the views here disclosed, to the Government of the Re- 
public of Colombia, which he hopes will see the expediency, in the actual posture of 
affairs, of forbearing to attack those islands, until a sufficient time has elapsed to as- 
certain the result of the pacific eff'orts which the great powers are believed to be now 
making with Spain." 

This occurred at a time when other powers were endeavoring to bring 
about a pacification between Spain and her colonies. But the principles 
laid down in the extract, are conclusive, to my mind, that if it should be- 
come necessary, the Government of the United Slates was prepared to inter- 
pose force to prevent the contemplated invasion of those islands, or, why 
did the Secretary speak of " and irresistable sense of essential interest, or say 
that the Government of the United States would be called upon to entertain 
of their duties in the event of the contemplated invasion of those islands?" 
The truth is, the Government of the United Stales were determined that 



the attack should not be made by (hose Governmen<s. And why so ? Be- 
cause it was to affect our interests, either immediately or remotely ; and, if 
the kind language of diplomacy had not proved influential, an armed force 
would have restrained those powers. If similar movements had been con- 
templated by any of the European powers, on islands connected with that 
continent, is it to be supposed that the Government of the United Slates 
would have interfered with any designs connected with them? Then why 
was this interest manifested in relation to Colombia or Mexico? Upon one 
ground only ; and that is, that it was connected with the principle declared 
by Mr. Monroe, and the interests of this Republic. Upon any other ground, 
it would have been regarded as officious intermeddling in the affairs of 
other powers. Other declarations were made, of a similar character at that 
day, recognizing the principles laid down by Mr, Munroe, and the same 
which have been reiterated by the present Executive. It is a principle that 
never has been questioned by an American statesman. And, although the 
extent to which interference may be proper, has not been "defined, we must 
be regulated by our true policy, that is not violative to our Constiluiioiv. 
To my apprehension, true policy would enforce upon the United States 
the propriety of taking possession of Yucatan, if there is even the slightest 
possibility of its falling into the hands of any other nation. If a foreign 
power should possess it, with an able force at its command, it could at any 
lime cut off our commerce with the Atlantic, and render it insecure, even 
within the Gulf of Mexico. From the Sisal, in Yucatan, to Havana, in 
Cuba, the distance is little more than an hundred miles ; but from its cape 
to the nearest part of Cuba, it is little more than sixty miles. Around the 
Peninsula of Yucatan, there are various harbors in which steamers of con- 
venient draught of water could shelter. To the north of it, the roadstead 
is excellent. Hence the outlet from the Gulf of Mexico to the Atlantic, 
through (he bay of Honduras, would be subject to whatever power might 
have possession of Yucatan. From Havana to the Cnpe of Florida, em- 
bracing the great eastern outlet to the Atlantic for our commerce, will be 
subject to the control of any power which may have the greatest interest 
with the Government of Cuba. The ascendancy which England holds 
of Spain, would secure to her all the benefits, commercial, or warlike, 
which she could desire, or which could arise from the enjoyment of (he fa- 
cilities afforded by the poits and harbors of Cuba. Thus is easily disco- 
vered the inconvenience and detriment which might arise to the commerce 
of the United States from the possession of Yucatan, by any power which 
may by possibility, be placed in a hostile attitude to the United States. It 
is nearer to the mouth of the Mississippi river, than even Vera Cruz, or any 
important port of Mexico. Any great naval power engaged in a war with 
the United Stales, would have the means of effectually cutijng off our com- 
merce with the Atlantic, by the possession of Yucatan and the occupation 
of Cuba — and we know that nations in war are unscrupulous as to the 
means employed to insure success. What would be the cotidition of the 
great West and South, if the mighty egress from the Mississippi to our 
commerce was entirely prevented? It would be ruinous. Then it is our 
duty to prevent every probable impeduiient which might remotely afiect 
that great interest. 



6 

No case can possibly arise, that will more directly appeal to the true policy 
of the country, or (he humanity of a nation, than thai which is now under 
discussion. Yucatan has appealed to this country for relief. She has of- 
fered to us in return, her "dominion and sovereignty." Her existence is de- 
pendant upon our action. W'^ are to decide in favor of civilization or bar- 
barism. The war raging in Yucutan, is not only one of desolation and 
rapine, but of unheard of cruelty and extermination. It seems to me, if 
any circumslance, independent of ihe true policy of this Government, could 
claim our consicleiation, it would be the sufferings of the unhappy Yuca- 
tacoes. Laying aside their appeals to our humanity, the highest political 
considerations present themselves to the Patriot's mind. In the desperation 
of the affairs of those people, they have not only appealed to the Govern- 
ment of the United States, and made a tender of their dominion and their 
sovereignly ; they have made a similar tender to England and to Spain. 
They have first appealed to us ; and we are now discussing the propriety of 
interposing in their behalf. Some power must interpose." It is true they 
are not entitled to our consideration as a recognised member of the family 
of nations, for they have been abandoned by their natural ally, with whom 
we are at war. If we refuse aid, and England or Spain, or any other 
power should interpose in their behalf, how can we say to them — You have 
no right to interpose. If England should acquire peaceable possession, 
with the right of dominion and sovereignty, will we not be precluded from 
all interference hereafter, in relation to that territory? If, in consequence 
of delay on the part of this Government, or a want of action, a foreign 
power should take possession of it, we are precluded forever from all inter- 
ference with that country, unless by an act of open war ; nor will we have 
a right to question their title to it. No matter whether they are prompted 
by a love of dominion or feelings of humanity ; if they acquire possession 
of it, owing to delinquency on the part of this Government, we never can 
question their right, as connected with the affairs of this continent? 
as embraced in the declaration of Mr. Monroe. That declaration 
either meant something, or it meant nothing; and if this Government does 
not take action in behalf of Yucatan, we must regard that proud sentiment 
of a Revolutionary patriot as idle gasconade. It was no idle threat, nor has 
it been so understood. The history given of that declaration, by the Sena- 
tor from Indiana, (Mr. Hannegan,) upon this floor, derived from a dislin- 
guished member of the cabinet of Mr. Monroe, leads the mind to a clear 
conclusion that it was the avowal of a great principle, upon v/hich this 
Government would act in all future time. If we do not aid Yucatan in 
this emergenc}^, it will be an abandonment of all pretext for resisting any 
encroachment that may be made upon this continent, upon any territory 
not within the defined boundary of the United Slates. Hence, I believe 
the true policy of this country, aside from motives of humanity, should in- 
duce us to act promptly and efficiently. The course which we ought to 
pursue is consistent with the safety and well-being of our country. No 
time wot.dd be more propitious than the present, for the practical application 
of the principle, inhibitory of the intervention of foreign powers upon this 
coniinenl. When again will the state of Europe be found so auspicious 
to the upbuilding of free institutions upon this continent? Since the exist- 



ence of this Government, no such opportunily has been afforded to us in the 
establishing of our free institutions as the present. Europe is convulsed. 
England has to guard her own position. She has perplexities at home. 
Her conriplicated colonial system must be kept in operation, and will call 
in requisition all the ability of her most enlightened statesmen. Under these 
circumstanceSjWeareleftto the accomplishment of the great object of our mis- 
sion here, if she were even disposed to raise objections to our takingpossessiou 
of Yucatan. But she can have no ground of complaint. Our intervention 
has been invoked, and I can apprehend no reason why we should withhold if. 
But gentlemen have discovered imaginary dangers. They apprehend that 
it might be a cause of war with France or England. A cause of war if we 
choose to assist a neighboring people, overwhelmed by calamity ? Would 
it be a just cause? Would the community of nations countenance such a 
pretext? I cannot believe that there is a nation of the earth that would 
raise its voice against the interference of .this country for the protection of 
Yucatan. If we were to usurp hertenitory for self aggrandisement — if we 
were seeking to conquer them for spoil, then there would be some pretext 
for supposing that any foreign power might interpose to prevent the exten- 
sion of our dominion. I cannot believe that the Executive contemplates 
any object, unless it is to prevent the intervention of a foreign power, and to 
interfere in behalf of humanity. He has not the power to assist Yucatan, 
or to arrest the carnage now carrying on in that country, and he has present- 
ed the measure for the consideration of Congress. Whilst the United States 
is engaged in a war with Mexico, and necessarily occupying her territory — 
until a peace — with all the available forces of the army, it would be unwise 
in him to withdraw any portion of the forces from the service in which they 
are now engaged. 

It is to be regretted that obstacles are thrown in the way of the propo- 
sition to supply a force and means necessary for the alleviation of the suf- 
ferings of Yucatan. The President requests this aid and support from 
Congress. Is it to annex Yucatan to the United States? No, sir. It is 
to render such aid as may be necessary to defend the white population of 
that country against the savages, and to enable them to maintain their po- 
sition until the Indians can be repulsed, or peace is restored, and then to 
leave the country in the enjoyment of liberty, after making such arrange- 
ments as will reimburse the United States for the aid rendered. This, I 
understand to be the object of the President ; and, whether it be his mean- 
ing or not, it is the design which I would entertain myself. 

Are the evidences before us sufficient to induce a belief that the peo- 
ple of Yucatan are borne down by superior numbers, by a " majority," as 
the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. Crittenden,) has said? "Are the 
savages the majority?" Yes — perhaps ten to one. And is that any reason 
why the white inhabitants, " who have occupied the country for three hun- 
dred years," should be given up to slaughter and indiscriminate butchery? 
No, sir! It is a reason why they should be assisted. It is a reason why 
those savages should have their bloody hands stayed from slaughter. It is 
a reason why we should interpose in defence of the whites, who bear upon 
them the impress of civilization and brotherhood with ourselves. Because 
their number is small in comparison with that of their destroyers, is a po- 



8 

tent reason why I would sustain them. If they outnumbered their ene- 
mies, they would not imploringly beseech your support. It is because they 
are a minority, feeble, defenceless, oppressed, and hunted down by barba- 
rians, that we should not hesitate in the course suggested ; and our human- 
ity is appealed to in behalf of age and sex ; nor is even helpless infancy 
spared from the massacre ; neither is there hope but in our protection. It 
is said by gendemen that " we do not know what will be the end of it •, 
that it cannot be seen." No, sir ; it cannot be seen. Are we to await the 
catastrophe before we act? Suppose the question had been asked of the 
Biitish Government, who planted the first colony upon this continent, 
when the difficulties first arose between the colonists and the savages of the 
forest, and when assistance was demanded in behalf of the Pilgrims, " Do 
the Indians form a majority ?" and they had postponed all action upon 
the appeal until that fact was ascertained, or had refused all aid to their 
necessities, what would have been the estimate of its character ? What 
wouhl have been the decision of the civilized world upon it character? 

] Suppose the colonies had applied to France, or Spain, or some other friendly 

.Power, for protection, would they have stopped to ask are the savages a 
majority? When answered affirmatively, and they had been surrendered 
to their fate, and extermination had been the censequence, what would 
the fiat of history have been upon such delinquency ? Would it not have 
been a worthless inquiry ? Would it not have been considered so by those 
who were suffering beneath the fury of the ferocious savages? 

In portions of Mexico the Indians are not savages. The Indians that 
Cortez met were not like the aboriginal inhabitants of Yucatan. They 
had a knowledi^e of the arts. They were, to a great extent, civilized and 
improved. The Indians on the south of the Gulf of Mexico are canni- 
bals, who live upon fish, and feed upon theti- captive enemies, and, when 
assailed, fly to their mountain fastnesses for safety. Such people inhabited 
the southern portion of Texas. They were of gigantic size, ferocious in 
their dispositions, loathsome in their habits, and rioted on human flesh. 

' Such are the natives against whom the people of Yucatan appeal to you 
for protection. I grant you that we are at war with Mexico, and that an 
amistice now exists. That might form an obstacle to our interference if 
Yucatan were really a portion of Mexico. It cannot be so regarded, for it 
has been separated for eight years from that distracted country. Therefore^ 
it shoidd be no obstacle. I admit there in no modern precedent for our in- 
terference in behalf of the people of Yucatan. Are we to wait for a pre- 

. cedent ? Are we to stand with our arms folded, until we can send and as- 
certain the cause of the quarrel between the whites and the savages? Are 
"we to wait until we ascertain the probability of the success of the Indians 
in the extermination of the whites? Shall we maintain our composure, 
undisluibed, until all this is done, before we act upon this bill? If so, we 

. had belter reject the bill at once, and give to it no further consideration. 

Gentlemen have expressed apprehensions and fears lest this subject 

should enter into the Presidential election, as I understand them. Sir, I 

discover that every thing here, to the minds of some gentlemen, enters 

.into the Presidential elections. Nothing is exempt form its influence, nor 
is it exempt from other influences in their estimation. Are we to avoid 



9 

the discbarge of our duty, and abandon an object of national policy, or the 
cause of hurnaniiy, because in its prosecution a Presidential election may 
be incidentally involved ? 1 should be sorry to participate in the legisla- 
tion of this hall, if honorable Senators were to so far forget themselves as to 
huckster in a Presidential canvass, or render aid to the aspirations of any 
candidate for that high office. This is not the appropriate sphere for elec- 
tioneering. These halls are dedicated to a higher and nobler object. The 
legislators who meet here are expected to promote the public weal, but not 
to. minister to personal ambition. Elections appropriately belong to the 
people. Their intelligence enables them to bestow their suffrages aright. 
The present is a subject in which the whole nation is either to be benefit- 
ted or involved. It is a national interest, and rises far above all the in- 
fluences of party. T trust we shall never be so chained down to party that 
we cannot legislate for the whole American people. Ill-fated would we 
be, if we could not avoid the influence of cliques, and legislate indepen- 
dently for the whole community, and, rising above every consideration, 
which is unworthy of a proud mind, never stoop; but making rectitude 
our standard, be governed by intellegence and patriotism. We should 
proceed boldly, firmly, and promptly, until we had relieved the people of 
Yucatan from their fearful adversaries. Our aid could then be v,?ithdrawn 
from that country, after making such regulations and securing such com- 
mercial privileges as would repay us for the benefits which we had con- 
ferred upon them. I would not desire to act either upon the principle of 
annexation or absorption ; but I would have a just care for our interests. 
The Balize is already in possession of England. It is a portion of the 
peninsula of Yucatan. I do not see any possible objection which can 
arise on the part of any Government, to the course suggested. Mexico 
cannot object, for if it be an integral part of that republic, it must acknow- 
ledge itself to be under obligations to us for defending a portion of their 
country which they cannot protect. They have been careful to petition 
the United States to prevent the Comanchies from depredating upon their 
noihern borders. If it be a matter of favor to them, that they should be 
- protected upon the north, why not protect them in the south against iheln- 
. dians of Yucatan? I remember as far back as 1832, a treaty existed be- 
tween the United States and Mexico, in which the former engaged to re- 
strain her Indians from incursions into Mexico ; and I well recollect an 
imfortunate circumstance which was most calamitous to that country which 
has but recently been a portion of Mexico. Every Texean will sympa- 
thise most feelingly with Yucatan in her present misfortune ; for, during 
the existence of the treaty to which I refer, a.nd subsequent to the declara- 
tion of Texean independence, while the benefits of the treaty still inured 
to her, the. Government of the United Stales was wofully delinquent in 
performing, on her parr, the obligations which that treaty imposed upon 
her. It was an obligation of the treaty, devolving upon the United States, 
to restrain their Indians from incursions into the territory of Mexico. In- 
stead of discharging her duty, a treaty was negotiated by this Government 
, with the Caddo Indians ; and one of the conditions of that treaty was, that 
they should remove south of the Red river, thereby throwing them upon 
the soil of Texas, Was this contrived by delinquent agents, and consura- 



10 

mated by their mismanagement? Or was it by the connivance of the Go- 
varnment? At all events, remonstrances were made to the Government 
of the United States by the authorities of Texas, and (hey were disregard- 
ed. This Government, so far from redeeming the pledges by which she 
was bound in honor, permitted her agents to pay the annuities to those 
Indians in rifles, ammunition, and instruinentsof war. The consequence 
was that the inhabitants of our frontier were massacred from the Red river 
to the Rio Grande. We felt the calamities of savage warfare. It is na- 
tural that we should sympathise with the sufferers tDf Yucatan. 

The question recurs: Shall we aid Yucatan ? At one lime the case of 
Texas was similar to that which is now before us. In 1S43, owing to the 
character of the war waged upon Texas by Mexico, and the frequent mo- 
lestations of the former to the latter, application was made to the United 
States, E^ngland, and France, invoking iheir interposition in behalf of Texas; 
and ihe interposition was solicited on the ground that the war conducted by 
Mexico was contrary totheprinciples and usage of civilized warfare. They 
had united with their regular troops the wild Indians, and wiih them made 
incursions from the west to the Rio Grande, upon our villages and settle- 
ments. After this application was made to the powers above referred to, 
they all concluded that it was a matter of too much delicacy in which to 
interfere, and left Texas to her fate. If either of the powers appealed 
to had separately stepped forward in aid of Texas, after the other two had 
declined, or turned a deaf ear to, her solicitations, could they have 
urged it as a ground of complaint against that power which had magnani- 
mously interposed. Why do Americans love France? Because she was 
the friend of this nation in calamity. Why do Americans now rejoice in 
her triumphs ? Because Frenchmen paticipatedjn the achievement of our 
independence. The gratitude of nations is like that of individuals, because 
they are composed of individuals, and gratitude is the offspring of a 
noble heart in return for generous benefits conferred. Sir, let us not be 
laggard upon this occasion. Let us not be alien in feeling towards a peo- 
ple that look to us for an act of friendship. Let us make them fast friends 
by acts of justice if not of munificence. All remember the period, and it 
is not long since, when there were sympathizers on this floor, and every 
manifestation of generous feeling was evinced. The subjects of suff'ering 
were more remote from us in their locality, than those now appealing for 
American aid. I recollect when the tidings of Ireland's sufferings reached 
our ears. Senators then came forward and eloquently advocated the cause of 
suffertng humanity there. The heart of every Senator in this body seemed 
to sympathise with poor Ireland. Disease and fi\mine were sweeping off the 
inhabiianis of that green isle, by tens of thousands. No one could hear of 
her calamities without the most acute sympathy. Now, I appeal to honor- 
able Senators, and ask them to draw a distinction between those who fall by 
famine, or who fall and perish by ihe ruthless buthery of the savage. They 
alike appeal to our humanity. They both demand our interposition that 
they may be saved. We have generously rendered sasistance to unfortu- 
nate Ireland ; it is now left for us to save Yucatan. If the war raging now 
with the Yucatacoes were conducted upon civilized principles, I would 
say, unless an alliance were formed according to political motives, Stand 
aloof. Then would be a time for deliberation and hesitancy. 



11 

But gentlemen insist that we have no precedent ; that it is novel in its 
character. I trust no parallel will be found to it in the annals of after time. 
I have not aitempted to urge this measure upon the ground of feeling alone. 
I would, if gentlemen desire it, let policy go hand In hand in its accomplish- 
ment. I wouid noL — as gentlemen have said — make it a (Quixotic expe- 
dition. In it I would unite reason with humanity, policy with mercy — 
policy, so far as this Government is concerned, and humanity as far as the 
necessities of that people are involved. 

This responsibility I would not shrink from, My support of this mea- 
sure does not arise from a love of war. I am no advocate of national in- 
volvement. I would support no war that was not necessary to the national 
honor or national interest. I am opposed to entangling alliances. I would 
adopt no measure for the sake of experiments alone; fori believe nations 
are most happy which enjoy the most peace, and that country most prosper- 
ous whose pioductions are greatest — its commerce more extensive — and 
where all the arts incident to peace are most flourishing. But, we have the 
history of no nation that has ever existed, without being visited by the ca- 
lamities of war. The age of man perhaps has never passed, in the history 
of nations, but what they have experienced war, or it has been prevented by 
negotiation. Peace is not the natural element of man ; nor have we any 
right, so long as human passions remain implanted in us, to suppose that 
all occasions for war will be obviated. Wars and disunions necessarily 
grow up between nations, as differences arise between individuals. Their 
interests are difi'erent, and often adverse to each other. If we recur to the 
the history of the past, there is little reason to believe that wars will soon 
cease to exist ; at least not in our generation. I am not permitted to be- 
lieve from the aspect of the afKiirs of the world, that the wars in Europe and in 
America will cease with our present war with Mexico. But unless we in- 
terpose on this occasion, I am led to believe that the white race of Yucatan 
will be exterminated, and war, in that quarter at least, will cease for awhile. 

The Hon. Senator from South Carolina, (Mr. Calhoun,) has thought 
proper to introduce into the discussion of this subject, that of the annexa- 
tion of Texas to the United States. Although it may not legitimately 
come within the range of discussion, It is perhaps as legitimate as the dis- 
cussion of the war with Mexico. The honorable Senator has declared his 
opinion to be, that annexation was not the cause of war with Mexico. To 
that subjeet, I had no disposition to advert. It had been so often discussed, 
that few ideas on the subject remain unexpressed. I expect to be able to 
do but little more than reiterate what has been before, in substance, stated ; 
nor, am 1 vain enough lo believe, that I can add any new interest to a mat- 
ter which has employed the minds of the members of this enlightened 
body. I had, however, hoped and believed that no Senator, upon reflection, 
and who had carefully examined the facts, could doubt that annexation was 
the cause, and the sole cause, of the war with Mexico. It was declared by 
the Mexican functionaries, that it would be considered a cause of war. 
The recognition of Texcan independence, by the United States, was the first 
ground of serious complaint; and it was virtually protested against by 
Mexico. Subsequendy to that, when the treaty of annexation was nego- 
tiated in 1844, the Mexican Minister declared, that if the treaty should be 



12 

signed, he would regard it as a cause of war, and take his passports to 
leave the United States. Annexation took place, aUhongh it had been 
maintained ihroiigliout by Mexico, that it would be regarded as a casus 
belli, and war would result. War has resulted. The negotiations between 
Texas and the United States caused the breaking off of an armislice be- 
tween the former and Mexico. When annexation was proposed by th.e 
United States, Texas and Mexico were at war. Texas was a sovereign 
and independant nation. When the Joint Resohltions were passed by the 
Congress of the United States inviting annexation, the relations betvt^een 
Texas and Mexico had not changed. Before they were presented to the 
Texean Government., the recognition of Texean independence by Mexico 
had arrived at the cnpifol of Texas ; and that recognition was to take effect 
upon condition that Texas was not to become annexed to the United Slates. 
She was recognized according to her declared boundary. It had been de- 
fined by her statutes; and Mexico acknowledged Texas as she then 
claimed to exist, as a Government, conceding to her everything by the act 
of her recognition, on condition that she should not become annexed to the 
United Stares. By the acceptance on the part of Texas of this recognition, 
there was no cause of war existing between the two countries. But, if she 
did not accept the terms of Mexico and eschew annexation, it left the two 
nations in the same condition in which they had been for eight years pre- 
viously. Texas rejected the proposed recognition by Mexico, and accepted 
the terms of annexation proposed by the United States. The moment that 
the resolutions were accepted by Texas, by that very act she had claim up- 
on (he protection of the United States. 

If Texas had not becorr.e a part of the United States, would she have 
had a claim upon their protection ? Or would there have been any neces- 
sity for the troops of the United States to have passed into her territory? 
If annexation had not taken place would the troops of the United States 
have been within the territory of Texas? If you strike annexation from 
the record, you remove all cause of war between the two countries. Con- 
gress concurred in the removal of the troops into the territory of Texas.. 
After this concurrence in, and sanction of, the acts of the President, the 
troops of Mexico passed the boundary of Texas, and attacked the troops 
of the United Slates, thus continuing the war which had existed with 
Texas, and incorporated by annexation into the national affairs of the Uni- 
ted States. The occupancy of Texean soil by American troops, was no 
cause of war on their part, but it afforded an opportunity to Mexico of put- 
ting her reiterated threats mto execution. No objectionwas ever made, or 
any question raised as to the propriety of the course adopted and pursued by 
the President. This must be the conclusion that it not only met the sanc- 
tion of Congress, but the approval of every friend of annexation. It is 
insisted by the honorable gentleman (Mr. Calhoun) that Congress alone 
has the power to declare war. In this case it was useless. War had never 
ceased between Texas and Mexico, and Texas had then become a part of 
the United States, so that the war existing with one State of the Union,' 
must, of necessity, involve the whole Union. It was not possible to separate 
Texas from hei responsibilities, before she became a part of the Union ; 
and so far as war was concerned, her responsibilities were incurred by the 



13 

United States, by her act of annexation. Her political relations to Mexico 
had been changed, and the war was, therefore, the consequence of that po- 
litical change. Of necessity the United were bound (o give Texas pro- 
tection, and that could not be done without an army, as she had no au- 
thority to raise an army for her defence. It is urged that if an attack was 
rnade by Mexican troops upon those of the United States, it was not by 
order of the Mexican Congress, nor had it made any formal declaration of 
war. There is no Mexican Congress. That was only known to the Con- 
stitution from 1824, and that was subverted in the year 1834. Iturbide 
when he was in power, kicked the Congress out of doors, and then he had 
what he called a Congress, of his own selection, and to do his bidding. 
Theie has never been a Congress in Mexico that deserved the name. Their 
Constitution requires that the people shall elect a President ; but I ask you 
to tax your memories, and then tell me when a constitutional election has 
taken place in Mexico. There have been extraordinary Congresses, and 
they have invested with extraordinary^powers an extraordinary President ; 
yet while he had on army lo enforce his^^crees, they submitted to him as 
the supreme authority. They regarded him as a ruler; but no Mexican 
knows any thing of a Constitution, unless it is theoretically. They nego- 
tiate and wiite as well as any people in the world, but they cannot act, and 
they know it, and they feel it. When Paredes, who was an usurper, was 
at the head of affairs, there was an interregnum in the Government. 
It was a sort of revolutionary misrule. He gave his authorily to the 
act of war. There was no Congress to declare war. He was Congress 
and everything else. By his authority the Mexicans attacked the army of 
Gen. Taylor. So, sir, I must believe that annexation did bring about the 
war. In fact, by the annexation, the United States adopted the war. 
There was no way of creating a war ; for there was no cessation of hostili- 
ties, except for a few months, between Texas and Mexico, and that was bro- 
ken off in anticipation of annexation, or in consequence of negotiation 
leading to that object. It is a v^aste of time to talk about a question of 
boundary. Who ever made a question about the boundary from the time 
of the declaration of independence by Texas, until it was started in the 
United States, and grew out of political agitations here. The Rio Grande 
was the admitted and acknowledged boundary of Texas — acknowledcred 
by whom? By Mexico? Why? Because she never thought of any 
other than the natural boundary of the Rio Grande, and the original boun- 
dary of the Province of Texas. Mexico knew that the Texean Govern- 
ment exercised jurisdiction up to the line of the Rio Grande, and they 
never raised the question. Mexico was acquainted with the laws of Texas. 
An act was passed for their translation and publication. And would not 
that country particularly examine every act that was passed in Texas, 
when they were eagerly watching to take every poss;^:™' ad vantage ? Can 
it be believed that Mexico had not, from the year 1836 to the year 1844, 
known of the act declaring the boundary of Texas? Our recognition by 
the great powers of the earth was made in the face of that boundary 
enactment. The boundary never was disputed. Texas never had but 
one boundary, and that was the Rio Grande. 

Mr. Davis, of Massachusetts. Will the Senator permit me to ask him 
a question? 



14 

Mr. Houston. Certainly. 

Mr. Davis. Does the Senator know who exercised jurisdiction fronci 
Santa Fe up to the Rio Grande? Who held jurisdiction over all the ter- 
ritory of New Spain, down the valley of the Rio Grande, to the mouth of 
the Brazos ? -o • 

Mr. Houston. From the Presidio de Rio Gande, the country was oc- 
cupied by the cavahy of Texas, for the purpose of protecting the traders,, 
and of resisting the Comanchie Indians. Above that, it was occupied by 
bands of Indians and perhaps some half civilized Mexicans — Texas wait- 
ing until she was in a situation to occupy it more conveniently. That 
Texas considered that country as a portion of her Republic, was never 
doubted. An unfortunate expedition was directed to that country, but it 
was so thoroughly mismanaged, that those connected with it were captur- 
ed and taken to Mexico as prisoners. Had orders been given diiferently, 
and had the expedition been placed under sagacious and wise leaders, they 
would have possessed themselves of the country. This circumstance, 
however, which occurred, as nearly as I can recollect, in 1840, did not 
change the relations of Texas to that country. Overtures had been made 
to the Government of Texas by the people residing there, who desired to 
come under our jurisdiction, to have the benefit of our laws and institu- 
tions. The matter was conducted without the caiition that was necessary, 
and without the wisdom proper for its guidance to a successful result. 
This was anterior to entering into negotiations between the United States 
and Texas, for annexation. The United States were under no obhgations 
to Texas, until they assumed those obligations, and then the army and navy 
of the United States had been placed at the disposal of the President of Texas. 
He had the control of both the army and navy. The squadron was sent 
to the Gulf, and subjected to the order of the President of Texas. Mexico 
was continually fulminating threats of extermination. Texas would have 
been unwise in her slate of insecurity to have hesitated about providing 
for her safety. It was her duty to secure herself, that in the event of the 
failure of annexation, she might have a guarantee to fall back upon ; and 
this she obtained during Mr. Tyler's administration, and before negotia- 
tions ever commenced. 

I am aware that this has but little connection with the subject of Yu- 
catan, but the remarks of the honorable gentleman have cause this digres- 
sion, which I have reluctantly made. I do trust that it will be regarded as 
consistent with every sense of duty and piopriety, to render the aid to 
Yucatan, which she desires. I regard it as our duty, on the score of policy, 
as well as of humanity, to accord to her the protection which her necessity^ 
demands. 



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